The first Indian Workers Association was probably first formed in Coventry in 1938 as an organisation primarily concerned with campaigning for Indian Independence. It appears that activities were less organised after 1947, but local groups revived during the 1950s as Punjabi migrants began to settle in British towns and cities. A co-ordinating committee was formed so that local branches established in London, Southall, Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and Leamington Spa would not function separately, and a constitution was adopted at a conference of these groups in 1958. The organisation was centralised in 1959 at an inaugural meeting held in a library on Holborn High Street, London, during a two day conference. At this meeting the programme of the Indian Workers Association was adopted, and the name formalised as the Indian Workers Association Great Britain, with a centralised body rather than a federal body. The local Indian Workers Associations were transformed into local branches, and branch committees and a central committee established.
A report by Jagmohan Joshi states that the Indian Workers Association was 'founded to cater for the special needs of Indian people who had come to live and work in the West Midlands area, and the constitution states that the Indian Workers Association was concerned to organise Indians to improve their conditions of life and work. Its aims and objectives initially focused on welfare activities, and emphasised the need to promote co-operation, unity and friendship with the British Labour and Trade Union movements, and with other organisations with similar aims. The Association was also concerned with maintaining and strengthening interest in the history of the Indian peoples; their languages, social, scientific and cultural achievements. Later amendments to the constitution placed greater emphasis on political campaigns, particularly in opposing racism and fascism in Britain, uniting with other black organisations and any group with similar aims, supporting national liberation and anti-imperialist struggles in other countries - particularly in India - and participating in the struggles of the British working class.
The Indian Workers Association was a voluntary organisation and all its activities were financed by members' subscriptions and donations. Membership was originally open to all Indians over the age of eighteen. The age limit was later lowered to sixteen, and membership extended to all immigrants of Indian origin and their descendants. All members of the association were also members of their local branch. One third of each year's subscription fees were used by the national association, and the remainder was kept by local branches. Larger collections of funds were organised by activists and branch committee members as the need arose. For example, in 1991, there was a fire at the organisation's premises, the Shaheed Udham Singh Welfare Centre, and funds were raised to cover the cost of building repairs through an appeal to Indian Workers Association members and the Trade Union movement.
The majority of the membership was Punjabi, mainly from two districts - Hoshiapur and Jalandher, known as Dwaba - and most of these members came to Britain during the 1950s. Later on a small number of Gujarati members also joined the Association. Members of the Executive Committee of the Association were all Punjabi, but the Indian Workers Association aimed to represent the viewpoint of not only the whole Indian community, but the whole of the black community, and the socialist principles of the working class in Britain.
Membership was open to both men and women, although in practice few women served on either branch or national committees. In 1992, there were proposals for an autonomous women's organisation, the Indian Women Workers Association, formally affiliated to the Indian Workers Association, to try to improve the situation and prevent any feelings of intimidation.
The structure of the Indian Workers Association initially consisted of a General Council of all the Executive Committee members of local Indian Workers Associations. This group formulated the policy and programme of the organisation. A General Meeting was held every two years. Executive Committee members of local Indian Workers Associations were automatically members of the General Council. By 1970, the functions of the General Council had been overtaken by the National Conference, which was held every two years to elect the Central Committee and to make changes to the Constitution.
The Central Executive Committee of the Indian Workers Association was originally elected by the General Council from among its members, and later elected at the National Conference of the organisation. It was elected on an annual basis, and was responsible for carrying out the general policy and the administrative and organisational day to day business of the association, and for the interpretation of the constitution. It also presided over disputes with local Indian Workers Associations. All decisions at all levels of the organisation were taken by a majority vote by members or office bearers.
Offices within the Indian Workers Association initially consisted of the posts of President; Senior Vice President; Vice President; three General Secretaries; Financial Secretary; Propaganda Secretary; Education Secretary; Welfare Secretary; and Cultural Secretary. Individuals who had been members of the association for at least one year were eligible to stand for election to these offices. The offices of Education and Cultural Secretary were later amalgamated. By 1961 there was also only one General Secretary. By 1970 the office bearers of the Central Executive Committee, also known as the Central Committee included President; Vice-President; General Secretary; Assistant Secretary; Treasurer; Organiser; Cultural Secretary; and Welfare and Education Secretary. During the 1970s the posts of Sports and Youth; and Women's Organisers were added.
Local Indian Workers Associations had a local Executive Committee, and held regular meetings. They were also expected to hold Biennial General Meetings, at which officers of the local Executive Committee were elected. Officers of local associations had the power to pass by-laws, provided they conformed with both the Constitution and the directives of the Central Executive Committee and General Council. By 1970, the local Indian Workers Associations were known as branches, and their committees were branch committees.
Members, branch committee members and office bearers who did not fulfil their responsibilities or worked against the policy and programme of the Association faced disciplinary action from the branch committee or Central Committee as appropriate, and could be expelled from the organisation. All members had the right of appeal to a higher body, including the National Conference
Avtar Jouhl states in his Birmingham Black Oral History Project interview that the South Staffordshire branch was the first Indian Workers Association to be formed in Britain in the 1950s. It had an office in Wolverhampton, and Jagmohan Joshi and Avtar Jouhl contacted the Indian Workers Association London office about organising a branch in the Smethwick area of Birmingham, which became the Birmingham branch. A. S. Rai was General Secretary of the Indian Workers Association in 1961, and the national organisation seems to have been firmly based in London and Southall during this period. Avtar Jouhl took over as General Secretary in 1961, and the focus of national organisation probably move to Birmingham at this point. Avtar Jouhl was succeeded as General Secretary by Jagmohan Joshi in 1964, who held this position until his death in 1979, and during this period, the national organisation was probably at its most active and radical in terms of its campaigning activities. The work of the national organisation during this period seems to have been closely bound up with the aims and campaigning activities of the Birmingham branch; indeed, the same personnel appear at the highest levels of these two groups.
Headed paper from the early 1960s gives the address of the 'Head Office' in London and the Birmingham branch, suggesting that the power of the organisation centres around these two areas. Printed paper throughout the collection which was used in correspondence written by members of the Central Executive Committee includes the names of office-bearers and Central Executive Committee members, enabling researchers to trace changes in personnel
The Indian Workers Association led by Joshi campaigned against discrimination and social exclusion facing Indian and other black and Asian migrants in Britain through poor housing conditions, employment inequalities such as the segregation of facilities in factories where its members worked; the operation of a 'colour bar' in employment and education, as well as in shops, public houses, and other leisure facilities; and the restrictions of immigration legislation introduced during the 1960s and 1970s. It supported industrial disputes involving black and Asian workers at a number of workplaces in the Midlands and expressed broad solidarity with the Trade Union movement - attending May Day rallies, encouraging members to join trade unions and supporting the miners strikes of the early 1970s and 1984-1985 - although it also campaigned against racial discrimination within trade unions. The organisation aimed to support all black and Asian workers and general working class struggles.
The Indian Workers Association worked in co-ordination with the Pakistani Workers Association, Kashmiri Workers Association, and later Bangladeshi Workers Association, from the early 1960s onwards, since the organisations had similar programmes, the same progressive outlook and support for the anti-imperialist struggle throughout the world, and the struggle against racism in Britain. These organisations, particularly in Birmingham, also participated in the campaigns of the Co-ordinating Committee Against Racial Discrimination, formed in Birmingham by Victor Yates, MP for Ladywood, who was the first president. Maurice Ludmer of the Jewish Ex Servicemen's Association played a significant role, together with Jagmohan Joshi and Shirley Fossick, who later became Shirley Joshi.
The Indian Workers Association remained concerned with political and social developments in India and campaigned in particular against the repression of political opponents, particularly trade union members and communist supporters, by Indira Gandhi's government during the 1960s and 1970s and the imposition of a State of Emergency between 1975 and 1977. Many of the leadership and activist members of the Indian Workers Association were communist sympathisers or members of the Community Party of India, and through the fraternal relations between the Communist Party of India and the Communist Party of Great Britain, links were formed between the two organisations. Many of the leaders of the Indian Workers Association became officers in the Association of Indian Communists which was formed in Britain after Indian members became disaffected with the policies and attitudes of the Communist Party of Great Britain, but the majority of the membership of the Indian Workers Association was not communist.
Through the organisation's existence, the Indian Workers Association was heavily involved with welfare work as well as campaigning. Initial welfare activities included helping members, many of whom were illiterate, with completing income tax and social security forms. A major part of the welfare work concerned passport applications, and the Indian Workers Association was involved in long running campaigns to provide a service for people applying for a passport valid for the UK from the Indian High Commission, to expose forgeries and corruption in the passport system where agents were paid for passports. The Association was able to purchase premises for a permanent welfare centre, and the Shaheed Udham Singh Welfare Centre, 346 Soho Road, Birmingham, opened in May 1978 and continues to function as a welfare and advice centre in 2007.
Campaign work during the 1980s, 1990s and early 21st century continued to focus on anti-racism, the need to oppose legislation on immigration control, and related campaigns to oppose the deportation of individuals and families from Britain under this legislation. The Association was also involved in a long-running campaign for people of Indian origin who had taken British citizenship to be awarded Dual Nationality status to enable them to travel to India without facing difficulties, and continued to support industrial disputes in the Midlands area, particularly those involving black and Asian workers. The Indian Workers Association was heavily involved in campaigning against the activities of far right political groups like the National Front during the late 1970s and early 1980s, and the British National Party in the late 1980s and 1990s, and the associated rise in racist attacks on black and Asian people.
The Indian Workers Association continued to support international campaigns, including opposition to the repression of political opponents of the Indian government and the oppression of 'Dalits' or 'untouchables. The Association also took a stance against violence enacted by Sikh separatists during this period, and became involved in discussions about the relationship between Indian and Pakistan, and British government policy on the disputed territory of Kashmir. Other international campaigns centred around opposing US imperialism, particularly in Cuba and in the Persian Gulf during 1990-1991 and in the period leading up to the Iraq war in 2003.
The Indian Workers Association in Southall split from the rest of the organisation in the early 1960s and became known as the Indian Workers Association (Southall). There are conflicting opinions over whether the Southall group was ever part of the centralised Association. The Indian Workers Association (Southall) claims that it did not affiliate; the Indian Workers Association (GB) claims that it affiliated and later withdrew. There are suggestions that Vishnu Sharma and the leadership of the Southall group considered that the Indian Workers Association (GB) was too influenced by Communist politics, and felt that they wanted the Southall organisation to bring together Indians with different political views in an Indian Association. The Indian Workers Association (GB) was seen more as an organisation of Indian workers, concerned with the class interests of that specific group. In addition, the Indian Workers Association (Southall) was more committed to welfare and social work than campaigning, and were able to make money through showing Indian films at the Dominion cinema which they were eventually able to buy. The Indian Workers Association (Southall) and the Indian Workers Association (GB) also had different perspectives on race relations in Britain. The Indian Workers Association (GB) appears to have considered that the Indian Workers Association (Southall) had an assimilationist philosophy and saw their role in educating Indians to make themselves acceptable to the British. This was in contrast to the Indian Workers Association (GB) which considered the problem to be racism, and saw their role as one of fighting racism and not of changing Indians. After the passing of race relations legislation in the mid 1960s these differences became more pronounced. The Indian Workers Association (Southall) worked with government bodies and with the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination whereas the Indian Workers Association (GB) refused to become involved with state-sponsored groups because they considered the state to be racist.
The Indian Workers Association (GB) was also affected by splits. Rajmal Singh, the president of the Coventry branch of the Indian Workers Association accused the Central Committee of the organisation of being influenced by Communists, and this branch broke away from the Association in 1964 to form a non-political organisation. The major split, however, took place in 1967 and was related to political disagreements within the Association. Members had differing views on Indian politics and in particular the Naxalbari uprising in West Bengal, which was supported by Jagmohan Joshi and other members but opposed by followers of the Communist Party of India-Marxist. The analysis of Joshi on this issue was seen as a Marxist Leninist one, linked with Chinese communism. It is likely, however, that the split was as much to do with issues relating to politics in Britain. Joshi's supporters thought that black workers needed to lead struggles against imperialism and exploitation in their countries of origin and in Britain, and would then be joined by white workers. Other members of the Indian Workers Association did not think that black workers had a special role to play. As a result of this, the Indian Workers Association (GB) led by Jagmohan Joshi formed alliances with other black groups, and was involved in the formation of the Black People's Alliance in 1968.
Because the split was of the centralised body of the Indian Workers Association (GB), it affected all the branches, and resulted in two local Indian Workers Association existing in most areas. One Indian Workers Association (GB) continued to be led by Jagmohan Joshi, while the other Indian Workers Association (GB) was led by Prem Singh. The two groups continued to do similar work, and in some cases even campaigned together in some trade union struggles, for example, against immigration control in groups such as the Campaign Against Racist Laws [CARL] and the Campaign Against Racism and Fascism [CARF], and against the State of Emergency introduced by Indira Gandhi's government during the 1970s. It seems, though, that both groups struggled for recognition as the 'real' Indian Workers Association during this period.
A further split took place within the Indian Workers Association (GB) led by Prem Singh in the early 1980s and resulted in Naranjan Noor, president at the time, creating his own organisation. Noor was a teacher in Wolverhampton, and issued a statement calling the Wolverhampton headmaster who refused to allow children to wear turbans to school, a racist. Indian Workers Association branch members criticised this statement, and Noor's championing of the turban case. It was felt that the Indian Workers Association as a secular organisation should not take on the turban case.
The Indian Workers Front (Southall) was the local branch of the Indian Workers Association (GB) following the split of the Indian Workers Association (Southall) from the centralised organisation. By 1979 there were two factions of the Indian Workers Front (Southall). One organisation known as the Indian Workers Front (Southall) was led by Harpal Brar, who also served as National Organiser of the Indian Workers Association (GB).
Both Indian Workers Associations (GB) came into conflict with Akali party supporters during the 1980s who began to recruit through Gurdwaras. The Indian Workers Associations were opposed to this because they considered political campaigning should not take place where people came to pray or meet socially. Both Indian Workers Associations (GB) were attacked by Khalistanis, who supported the creation of a separate Sikh state. As more joint campaigning work took place during the 1980s, a Co-ordinating Committee was formed in 1989, and the two Indian Workers Associations (GB) merged in 1991, with the merger conference taking place 16-17 February 1991. Avtar Jouhl, who had become General Secretary of the Indian Workers Association (GB) led by Jagmohan Joshi after his death in 1979, became General Secretary of the merged Indian Workers Association (GB) and Prem Singh, General Secretary of the other Indian Workers Association, became the President. In 1992 the Indian Workers Association had fourteen branches and the membership was about 20,000.
The focus of campaigns in the 1950s and 1960s on welfare services, particularly interpretation resources was not as necessary by the 1980s, even though there was still a need to tackle racism and campaign for social justice. The Indian Workers Association (GB) is still active today in welfare and campaigning work, although its membership and profile has declined since the 1960s and 1970s.
